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Of course, he's talking about French, in which the land in the countryside was mostly tied up in large estates, much of which was not worked. It provided no good income to anybody.
You distort his words to make them say other than he probably intended unless you complete his thought: "If we do not, the fundamental right to labor the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who cannot find employment, but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state."
His philosophizing would entail taxing the French rich's property so that it could be made available--by grant or by lease or by squatting--to the urban poor. Who, naturally, would want to return to nature and work the land.
He, of course, was all for an "ownership" society. Then again, it would require that the unemployed or poor uproot themselves and move: The right to labor the earth returns to the unemployed. This is good, because the unemployed want to engage in virtuous labor and because the earth forms a common stock for man to labor and live on. Every man should have his own fig tree.
So let's apply it to the US. His point was that excessive lands were "uncultivated." Most of the largest landholdings are uncultivated or at least worked (I have in mind some huge Texas ranches).
But there are truly huge amounts of land held idle, to which property laws say that the unemployed are forbidden to live there or work there and, at best, are "undisturbed only for the sake of game." This is, of course, an affront to natural law, that so many should be poor and so much unworked land be withheld from them.
Of course, the last paragraph applies primarily to things like BLM land, vast landholdings which the poor might work but which are held in reserve often "for the sake of game."
That's the thing about Jefferson, and free-thinkers who try to argue practice from principle. In adducing some practice suggested by him that you think can be directly applied to your advantage, or at least to another's disadvantage, he often says something that you find to be profoundly disagreeable. But to use what you want requires assenting to that which you reject. T'is a conundrum. However, the early history of the US--and, indeed, of the colonies before the Revolution, and one small cause of support for it--was the restricting by King George of settlement beyond a certain western frontier. When it was land claimed by the states and therefore brought into the union, little land was withheld from the citizens. After there were lands purchased by the federal government, making the federal government the landowner, the land was more often withheld. By being held "in common" to the group, it was therefore withheld from the individual--which is rather the opposite of Jefferson's view here.
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