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Edited on Wed Nov-25-09 11:59 AM by Kurt_and_Hunter
By "serious question" I mean a real inquiry, rather than a statement offered rhetorically in the form of a question. I do not know the answer to this question, or even if there is a particular right answer since the variables are difficult to define.
Okay... the Bush administration's approach to Pakistan after 9/11 was blanket amnesty. That may have been brilliant, given the options. One can argue either side, I guess. It was primarily a Colin Powell thing, so it wasn't sheer Cheney-fueled madness.
We were attacked by an organization hosted by a political regime in Afghanistan. That political regime was largely installed by Pakistan.
What was called a civil war, to be polite, could as well be called a war by Pakistan against Afghanistan, by proxy. Pakistan wanted the Taliban in charge, just as Russia had wanted a friendly regime in charge.
This would be unexceptional stuff except for the fact that the taliban hosted a group that attacked the US.
Pakistan was also, as of 9/11/01, the world's top clandestine nuclear proliferator.
We struck a deal. You, Pakistan, are the real problem here. You are the strategic power behind the regime that hosted/facilitated an attack on America. You are the nation that developed a rogue nuke program which may be necessary vis-a-vis India, but you started selling the technology to countries hostile to American interests.
But we are offering you a one-time amnesty. Stop supporting the taliban and shut down the AQ Khan network and we will pretend it was all a misunderstanding. (And, IIRC, dropping the sanctions we had on Pakistan for their 1990s nuke tests)
This allowed the US to not go to war with Pakistan, which one Bush doctrine or another would have demanded, but which we couldn't really do as a practical military matter beyond dropping bombs from the air, and couldn't do without blowing up the whole subcontinental situation. (And going down in history as monsters of some sort, which we managed to do anyway in a different country. C'est la vie!)
Everyone saves face! Good deal.
But in the years that followed Pakistan realized that their initial panic that we were going to nuke them (or throw in 100% with arch-enemy India, rather than maintaining some level of neutrality) was just that -- panic. We are not going to nuke Pakistan! We are not going to invade Pakistan or bomb their capital or any of that.
So Pakistan entered into this frienemy thing of supporting AQ (hard to call it otherwise... they knowingly host whatever is left of AQ Classic to protect them from us), supporting the Taliban (on edit: the taliban as potential ruller of afghanistan, not the taliban as internal Pakistani rebellion movement) and generally blowing smoke up America's ass. (We consider the security of Pakistani nukes our top global tactical issue but we do not know where all of Pakistan's nukes are. Why not? Because Pakistan is hiding them from us, not just from India or Russia or China.)
Okay, so back to the question...
Pakistan is supportive of the Taliban (in Afghanistan), even if only in subtle ways. They don't advertise it (would be rude) be we know that they know that we know, etc..
We are at war with the Taliban in Afghanistan in some way.
We need Pakistan's "help" to win that war.
So the question is, to what degree does our being in Afghanistan tie our hands vis-a-vis Pakistan? (By putting us in the position of needing Pakistan's help in Pakistan's own proxy war against the US and/or what we perceive as vital US interests.)
On the one hand, having a large military force in a neighboring country exerts some influence on Pakistan. On the other hand, are those troops essentially hostage to Pakistan's cooperation?
I can see either side of the question.
But when someone on the TV machine said that every troop we send to Afghanistan is more leverage Pakistan has over us it seemed a pregnant question about which some DUers might have insights.
Discuss.
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PS: I am on the fence about Afghanistan... I can argue both sides. (With the understanding that the pro-Afghani occupation argument is primarily humanitarian.)
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