WikiLeaks: Mario Montoya and Colombian False Positives
by Michael Busch
When Major General Mario Montoya Uribe was appointed commander of the Colombian army in March of 2006, the US embassy in Bogota was largely unaware of his background and bona fides. The American ambassador to Colombia at the time, William Wood, reported in a cable WikiLeaked on Friday, that relatively little was known about Montoya aside from his many decorations as a career military man, his close personal relationship with then-president Alvaro Uribe, and persistent but as yet unsubstantiated rumors that the commander was corrupt and tied to conservative paramilitary forces throughout the country.
Little was Wood aware that Montoya’s corruption and paramilitary ties would prove to be the least of his offenses. By the time he was relieved of his command eighteen months later, Montoya was widely perceived to be a driving force behind the breathtakingly horrific dealings of military personnel in the fight against drug– and guerilla-related internal disturbances.
As I reported in 2009 when UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary execution Philip Alston arrived in Bogota to investigate the so-called “false positives” case, over one thousand members of the Colombian armed forces were ultimately implicated in the murders of countless innocent civilians. The details are appalling. In many cases, victims were recruited from poor neighborhoods and villages throughout the country, promised work opportunities elsewhere, then drugged and sold to military agents who arranged for their executions. The bodies were then dressed up in army fatigues, planted with weapons purchased on the black market, and claimed as successfully eliminated guerrilla combatants by military personnel.
The evidence of false positive extrajudicial killings suggests their systemic nature, a conclusion corroborated by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, which noted that “What is apparently new about the recent cases is that they have been motivated primarily by internal military incentive structures, rather than political motives…They were killed so that army units and their commanders could demonstrate “results” to their superiors, and thereby win both financial rewards and promotions. In this war, progress has long been measured by the number of “enemy combatants” immobilized, preferably killed, and career prospects often depend on demonstrating such “results”…Investigations have revealed an extensive web of recruiter networks penetrating poor neighborhoods across the country, operating in a shadowy underworld in collusion with army contract agents. …For dispatching these apparent “positives”…the assassins could count on receiving benefits such as paid holidays, special courses abroad, promotions and pay raises. ”
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