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For instance, follow this narration to its bummer characterization of the Honduran people...
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Thousands of soldiers have been deployed across Honduras to oversee a controversial election which will cement the overthrow of President Manuel Zelaya.
The de facto government has militarised the capital, Tegucigalpa, and other cities to deter pro-Zelaya protests and ensure that Central America's first coup since the end of the cold war prevails.
The authorities blanketed media with patriotic footage of army manouevres and football matches – Honduras recently qualified for the World Cup – to try to stir passion for what it termed an "electoral fiesta".
They hope the election of a new president – Zelaya, 57, is not on the ballot – will consign the toppled leftist to oblivion and pressure the international community to let the 28 June coup stand.
But apathy and resentment may keep turnout low, throwing into doubt whether the poll will resolve a five-month old crisis that has made Honduras a pariah state.
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"Apathy" and "resentment"? But those are the only qualities that can be seen in a police state, which is described in the next paragraph:
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Security forces have suppressed dissent by beating and arresting hundreds of Zelaya supporters in recent weeks, leaving an edgy calm. A state of emergency has been declared for the vote and 5,000 army reservists mobilised.
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The writer, Rory Carroll, has not scratched the surface. Below that surface are outrage, new political consciousness and determination to see major political reform in Honduras--which we have all been reading reports of, from many sources. The undertone of his description seems to be "you might as well give up." GRANTED, he has the statement of one Resistance member to back this up:
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Zelaya's supporters plan to boycott the election but, exhausted and cowed, cannot stop it. "The vote is a farce, a pantomime, but the coup has won," said Miguel Alonzo Macias, a leader of the "resistance" in Siguatepeque, outside the capital.
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But my suspicion is this: He sought out this quote, to fit a slot in his depressing, hopelessness-inducing article. There are many leaders of the Resistance. Do they all feel this way? Did he do a poll? Of course some people would feel momentarily down and defeated, watching this "state of emergency"-enforced 'election,' and considering the violence that has been perpetrated against the people of Honduras. But what is deeper down, in their inner beings? Why didn't he ask the next question: what will you be doing tomorrow, to bring about reform? And why didn't he consult at least one or two other Resistance leaders?
He makes vague and general reference to the Resistance continuing to seek reform, at the conclusion (the underlined part below), but then veers off in another inaccurate and gloomy direction (bold-faced), perhaps led there by the "Council on Foreign Relations thinktank"...
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Whoever takes over will inherit a mess. The economy is slumping, Latin America has scorned the election's legitimacy and Zelaya supporters, defeated but defiant, are expected to push for a new constitution.
"Under the rock that has been lifted there is a lot of intense anger," said Julia Sweig of the Council on Foreign Relations thinktank. "This is a society that needs major reform."
Allowing the coup to stand sent a worrying signal to a region with fragile democracies and weak institutions, she said. "This sets a terrible precedent for other countries in the region."
But Zelaya's foes are not jubilant. Honduras has paid dearly for turning the clock back to an era of military-led overthrows, curfews and repression.
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Carroll mixes accuracy with inaccuracy. In fact, Latin America has shown extraordinary democratic STRENGTH, not fragility, and its democratic institutions are quite sturdy, considering the relentless assault upon them by the Bushwhacks and now the Obamites. In a region which was for decades run by US-supported heinous, bloody dictatorships, followed by rightwing/"free trade for the rich" governments which exhibited extraordinary malfeasance and corruption, impoverishing millions of people, Latin Americans have managed to get back on their feet, through a decade of hard work on their democratic institutions--notably honest and transparent elections--and have elected strong reformers in Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Uruguay, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador, with Chile's center-left government as an ally on some critically important issues (Latin American sovereignty; political/economic integration; and the "raise all boats" philosophy that is so marked in the leaders of Brazil and Venezuela).
Of these governments, only Argentina's leadership--after a restoring Argentina to solvency, and a strong run of reform--is in any political trouble. Most of these reforming leaders have huge approval ratings. It's true that the latest additions are first-termers, all in Central America, surrounding Honduras. There is some fragility there, because, a) the presidents are new, and b) Central America was a major battleground for the US "dirty war" of the 1980s and the detritus of those horrible, murderous US-installed governments is still around, as has been made clear in the Honduran coup.
But I think Mr. Carroll greatly underestimates the strength of the leftist democracy movement that has swept Latin America over the last decade. The collapse of Barack Obama's stated policy of "peace, respect and cooperation"--that the Honduran coup and the US military buildup in Colombia represent--may be better for this historic democracy movement, in the long run, because it was evidently a lie to begin with, and it's better than everybody know that, sooner rather than later. In fact, US intentions may be very bad, indeed. There is increasing evidence that a war plan is being implemented. And the US may well be intending to extrapolate this evil civil war strategy that we have seen in Honduras, that they have been fostering in Colombia for some time, and that they tried to employ in Bolivia last year, to the entire region.
It is a time for the region to stick together--as Lula da Silva has demonstrated with regard to President Zelaya and other U.S. targets--and finally and firmly declare its independence from the United States.
Carroll has too narrow a focus, in this article. The Honduran people are not alone. The solidarity shown by Brazil has been remarkable. The determination of even a more centrist and US-friendly government like Chile's never to permit US meddling ever again is very, very strong. The US cannot defeat this movement, and it will for sure meet its "Waterloo" if it tries to do so. These are not Iraqis we are talking about, beaten down by Saddam and exhausted by a decade of sanctions. These are Americans and democrats with a small d, who have been working hard on issues of integrated trade, sovereignty, regional independence, social justice and cooperation.
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