Not too long following the 2008 national elections, at which time the Democratic Party reached a
peak in popularity relative to the disgraced Republican Party, it began a downhill course which could spell serious problems for them in the 2010 elections.
Not only did they recapture the presidency in 2010, but they picked up 8 seats in the U.S. Senate to bring their total to 59 (later to become 60) and 21 seats in the House, thereby boosting their majority to 79 seats. But subsequent events have shown that even with a Democratic president, a huge Democratic majority in the House, and a presumably “filibuster proof” majority in the Senate, passing much needed progressive legislation has been very difficult. Substantial losses in 2010 could make that task nearly impossible – with dire consequences for our country. Therefore, it could be useful to think about the causes behind the declining political fortunes of the Democratic Party since their historic Democratic election victories in 2008 (and 2006).
Political status as of late 2008 and the downward slide of the Democratic PartyFrom some point in late 2008 to April 2009, Republicans
hit such a low point that only 22-26% of Americans identified themselves as Republicans, hitting a low of 22% in April 2009. That compares with 33-39% of Americans who identified themselves as Democrats, though that that number decreased progressively from 39% to 33% during the first few months of 2009. The status of the Republican Party following the election of 2008 was summed up by Lidia Saad,
referring to the latest Gallup poll: “After suffering major blows in the election, the Republican Party is experiencing its worst image rating in at least a decade”. This graph sums up the trend as of April 2009:
But then, throughout 2009 the Democratic Party advantage over Republicans in “Party identification” declined enough that polls in
August and
October showed a Democratic advantage of only about 6%.
Polls bearing on the next House election have roughly paralleled the changes in party identification, or appear even more ominous. “Generic Congressional vote” polls ask respondents what party’s candidate they intend to vote for in the next House election. They are generally regarded as the best tool available for predicting the national outcome of House elections. During October 2008, the month preceding the Democratic pickup up 79 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, the average of
17 Generic Congressional vote polls gave the Democratic Party nationally almost a 10% margin of victory, with all 17 of them indicating at least a 4% Democratic margin. More than a year later, in November 2009, the
average of 5 polls indicates a Democratic margin of victory of less than 1%. Since all House members are up for reelection in 2010, that means that with just a very slight shift, or even with no shift at all, Democrats could easily lose control of the House.
The situation looks a little better in the Senate – perhaps mainly because only one third of U.S. Senators are up for reelection. It’s way too early to tell at this time, but according to some
polls and predictions, six Democratic seats are rated a tossup in 2010 (open seat in DE, Reid in NV, Dodd in CT, Bennet in CO, Lincoln in AR, Specter in PA), compared to four Republican seats (MO, OH, KY, NH).
Nate Silver sees it similarly, rating the same 6 Senate seats as the most vulnerable for 2010.
It is currently far too early to predict any of these things with much confidence. But the above discussion provides a good indication of how far Democratic political fortunes have declined since their election victory in 2008.
REASONS FOR DEMOCRATIC PARTY DECLINE IN POLITICAL STATUS AFTER NOVEMBER 2008It is impossible to say for certain why the Democratic Party has lost so much political ground since November 2008. Two related possibilities come to mind. One is our current economic crisis. The other is the corporate friendly leanings of much of the Democratic Party.
The Bush administration laid the ground for our current economic crisis, which began during his watch. The situation is very similar to what President Roosevelt faced when he took office in 1933, when our country was in the midst of the worst depression in its history. At that time, FDR had a 196 seat
Democratic advantage in the House and a 23 seat advantage in the Senate.
It took several years for the crisis to fully resolve. But FDR initiated bold and aggressive measures from the beginning of his presidency, which
got our country quickly moving in the right direction. The American people rewarded his efforts by reelecting him for a record three consecutive additional presidential terms – twice by landslides, and a third time by a comfortable national popular vote margin of 7.5%. They also voted for increased Democratic majorities in the Senate and House in 1934 and 1936, so that by 1937 the Democrats enjoyed a 244 vote margin in the House and a 75-17 margin in the Senate. FDR’s bold handling of our economic crisis is a large part of the reason why he is generally regarded by historians as the
second greatest president in our history. His economic policies also set the stage for what Paul Krugman refers to as the “
greatest sustained economic boom” in our history.
The reason I mention this is that it proves that taking office during a severe economic crisis is not by any means a certain recipe for declining political fortunes.
Democratic Party handling of our economic crisisPresident Obama came into office with a fairly conservative bunch of economic advisors – some of the very same people who set the ground for our current crisis. And he still has conservative economic advisors. He did lead the U.S. Congress to enact a
stimulus bill. However, more progressive economists warned that the proposed stimulus measures would fall far short of what we needed. This is what Nobel Prize winning economist
Paul Krugman had to say about it:
Mr. Obama’s prescription doesn’t live up to his diagnosis. The economic plan he’s offering isn’t as strong as his language about the economic threat. In fact, it falls well short of what’s needed…
With both consumer spending and business investment plunging, a huge gap is opening up between what the American economy can produce and what it’s able to sell. And the Obama plan is nowhere near big enough to fill this “output gap.”… To close a gap of more than $2 trillion – possibly a lot more, if the budget office projections turn out to be too optimistic – Mr. Obama offers a $775 billion plan. And that’s not enough…
Only about 60 percent of the Obama plan consists of public spending. The rest consists of tax cuts – and many economists are skeptical about how much these tax cuts, especially the tax breaks for business, will actually do to boost spending…The bottom line is that the Obama plan is unlikely to close more than half of the looming output gap, and could easily end up doing less than a third of the job.
And so far, Krugman’s analysis appears to be right on target. Unemployment has gone up, not down. By November 2009, the official
unemployment rate stands at 10.2%, with
actual unemployment in the range of 15-18%.
The gap between Democratic Party stands on economic issues vs. public opinion and public interestThe Democratic Party has been far to the right of the American people on economic issues – meaning that they have acted more in the interests of the corporatocracy than of ordinary Americans. By doing so they generate millions in campaign contributions from corporate America. But will that be enough to compensate for what many Americans sense as a betrayal of their interests?
The bailout of Wall StreetMost Americans have never approved of the
multi-trillion dollar bailout of Wall Street. Prior to the first Congressional votes on it during the Bush administration, Opposition to Bush bailout plan
one poll showed that 45% of Americans disapproved of bailing out Wall Street, compared to only 30% who approved of it. Things haven’t changed much in that regard during the Obama administration. In general, the Obama administration continued with very much the same policies as the Bush administration on this issue, despite dire warnings from moderately progressive economists, including
James Galbraith,
Robert Reich,
Dean Baker,
Paul Krugman, and
Joseph Stiglitz. What Stiglitz had to say about it was typical of many others:
The U.S. government plan to rid banks of toxic assets will rob American taxpayers by exposing them to too much risk and is unlikely to work as long as the economy remains weak…. The U.S. government is basically using the taxpayer to guarantee against downside risk on the value of these assets, while giving the upside, or potential profits, to private investors… Quite frankly, this amounts to robbery of the American people. I don't think it's going to work…
But despite what so many knowledgeable economists warned about it, and what the American people thought about it, both Congressional Democrats and Republicans went ahead with plans to bailout Wall Street at the expense of the American taxpayer, under both the Bush and Obama administrations, in both cases with the full backing of the president.
It should not be surprising, then, that
a poll on Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner’s handling of the situation was rated poor (42%) or fair (22%) by 64% of the American people, compared to only 20% who rated Geithner’s performance good or excellent.
The Democratic Party on health careWhen Barack Obama campaigned to be the Democratic nominee for President in 2008, he
advocated a national health care plan in which
all Americans would have the opportunity to purchase affordable (through government subsidies) government health care insurance that is “similar to the plan available to members of Congress” (also known as the “public option”). For whatever reason, that idea has long been swept under the rug and replaced with proposed legislation in which such a plan would be available only to most Americans who could not obtain health insurance through their jobs, and in which everyone else would be obligated to purchase
private health insurance. And even with 60 Democratic Senators it is far from certain that Congress will be able to accomplish even that amount health care reform.
The reason for this predicament is elucidated by a
statistical analysis by Nate Silver. That analysis identified financial contributions from the private health care insurance industry as a major factor in determining the willingness of U.S. Senators to vote for a robust public option – one which would create substantial competition for the private health insurance industry.
The American public on health careThe rejection by substantial elements of the Democratic Party of a robust public option for health care insurance for all Americans is at odds with the wishes of most Americans – wishes that played a major part in the widespread rejection of the Republican Party at the polls in 2006 and 2008.
Most important, when Americans are asked whether they favor such a plan in a manner that accurately reflects what the plan really is,
77% say that it is either “extremely” or “quite important” “to give people a choice of both a public plan administered by the federal government and a private plan for their health insurance”.
So widespread is that attitude that even 71% of Republicans adhere to it. Other polls show that Americans favor such a plan by a two to one margin when it is phrased as
universal health care or “
Medicare for all”. And
polling of insurance plan enrollees shows that those with Medicare report far fewer problems than those with private health insurance plans.
So how does the corporatocracy and its supporters in Congress
fool so many people into believing that the public option is unpopular? They call it bad names and
they lie about it: They call it government run health care – which it is not. They say that it will prevent people from choosing their own doctors – which it will not. They say that the plan uses “death panels” that will decide whether people live or die – which it most certainly does not. They
phrase poll questions to ignore the fact that the public option is an
option – meaning that it involves a choice. And they call it socialism – which it partially is, but so what?
And since Medicare is so popular with the American people, they try to hide the fact that the public option is just another way of saying “Medicare for anyone who wants it”. So successfully have they confused this issue that
39% of Americans (including
62% of Republicans) say that they want the government to keep their hands off of Medicare – a government run program.
CONCLUSION – THE GAP BETWEEN THE AMERICAN PUBLIC AND THEIR ELECTED REPRESENTATIVESThus it is that a large enough number of our elected representatives in the Democratic Party have been so influenced by corporate interests that after American voters replaced overwhelming numbers of Congressional Republicans with Democrats in 2006 and 2008, Congress continues to remain much more attuned to the interests of corporations than to the interests of the American people.
The American people have become thoroughly alienated from the corporate elite who so affect their lives, as demonstrated by a
2007 Harris poll asking which industries Americans regarded as “generally honest and trustworthy”: Oil companies 3%; health insurance companies 7%; telephone companies 10%; pharmaceutical companies 11%; electric and gas utilities 15%.
Therefore, those of our elected representatives who support corporate interests at the expense of ordinary Americans do so in the hope that they will be able to use the money heaped on them by corporations to shower the American people with enough propaganda to obscure what they do and who they are. Those who remain faithful to the people they were elected to serve must do what they can to get the American people to see the truth behind the corporate propaganda, and they must hope that their reputation is not so smeared by the corporate controlled media that American voters are fooled into voting against them. Many pursue elements of both of these strategies.
So which is the better political strategy? I can’t prove it, but I believe that most of the information discussed above points to the failure of the Democratic Party to do what most Americans elected them to do as THE most important reason for the declining political fortunes of the Democratic Party since their historic election victory in 2008.
With the rapidly
increasing popularity of the Internet as a source of news, our elected representatives who desire to serve the interests of their constituents have increasing means of going around the corporate media to get the truth out to the American people. Alan Grayson (D-FL)
recently showed how such a strategy can be used to great effect to change the nature of the debate on an issue of great importance to the American people:
Many of us already knew that Alan Grayson was a fearless champion against the rich and powerful. His notoriety this week for comments about the Republican plan for health care therefore did not come as a shock. His floor speech and his unwillingness to back down afterward have set a new standard for how Democrats deal with
Republican hissy fits, where they get all offended by some comment and demand an apology and ritual humiliation. Their goal is to control the narrative and put any Democratic use of moral language out of the bounds of acceptable political debate…
Grayson DEMOLISHED this tactic. And he did so by continuing to tell the truth and never backing down. And by the end of the week, many were joining him. Yes, they said: why does the GOP have no plan for health care? Why have they allowed thousands to die for a lack of coverage for years without articulating any strategy to deal with the crisis?...
In a second, this has become the narrative of the week on health care. And Alan Grayson led the way. He just might lead the Congress to a better bill.