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I'M of the opinion that our military forces' very presence and activity is ultimately counterproductive and antithetical to even the most modest goals outlined by the president and others in support of our dominant role in the NATO operations there. I don't think the U.S. has demonstrated over the eight-year plus occupation of Afghanistan that the force of our military is effective at nation-building far beyond the line that our occupying forces draw in the sand. The U.S. clearly can't remain in Afghanistan in defense of the regime in Kabul indefinitely, and the rising levels of violence and deaths in concert with the recent build-up of forces there suggests that our occupying army may be the most aggravating element perpetuating the seemingly never-ending cycle of attacks and reprisals.
While it may seem perfectly reasonable and expected that President Obama would be looking to cast the future of our forces there in definitive terms as he looks at the declining support for the endeavor in U.S. polls and wonders where his 'peace dividend' is going to come from, he deserves a great deal of credit (if reports of his intentions are accurate) for acknowledging the need for an end to the militarism at all.
There is bound to be a desire in the new administration to set in motion some sort of 'doctrine' which encompasses Democratic ideals and prescriptions for the conflict which transcend the military operations; like the initiative in Congress by John Kerry and others to ramp-up the non-military aid and assistance to Pakistan and Afghanistan; and others, like Sen. Levin's emphasis on 'trainers' to buck up the Afghan army so they can assume whatever security needs our own troops have been shouldering. These initiatives, although certainly alternatives to conflict, will nonetheless still require troops to facilitate them - if not an increase, certainly not bearing an immediate reduction.
Further, the national security 'goals' in Afghanistan that the president and the Secretary of State have outlined as essential to our future involvement ('defeating al-Qaeda' and 'denying a safe-haven') can be taken to mean anything from a hard and long stand, to a re-focus away from defending Kabul and a dicey focus on Pakistan with the prospect of increased use of 'drone' attacks and covert raids on 'enemy' positions across the sovereign borders.
Yet, this president has no apparent interest in assuming the mantle of a 'war president' as Bush so opportunistically did after 9-11 to cover for his lackluster domestic agenda. This president campaigned on domestic priorities which are increasingly threatened by the cost of continuing (or escalating) the dual occupations he's yet to draw down an inch. I find it hard to believe that Mr. Obama has as much enthusiasm for making Afghanistan the centerpiece of his foreign policy as Bush did with Iraq. Gone are the last president's references to 'spreading democracy' and the 'center of the terror war'.
Gone is the arrogant sense of ownership Bush assumed toward his Iraq prize; replaced, nonetheless by the same Bushian justifications that there's something in Afghanistan that threatens America which can be defended against by our invading and occupying forces.
Also absent from this new administration's rhetoric is any illusion that there will be some rallying of allies around this president's own prosecution of the persistent, grudging vengeance against the remnants and ghosts of the original 9-11 fugitive suspects. Indeed, America will soon be standing almost alone in Afghanistan if the president doesn't find a way to define the mission there in terms of some eventual resolution or end.
That's what UK's Brown was compelled to do this week as he faced even more resistance from his countryfolk to the further sacrifice of British life and limb in Afghanistan and sought to declare and end-goal while making certain he didn't shut the door to whatever strategy or purpose President Obama is planning to announce in the coming weeks. The prime minister's speech was mostly a contradiction of intentions as he declared Britain's 'security' was at stake - committing to more troops, yet calling for a timetable for withdrawal and an international conference to be held in London next year.
"It should identify a process for transferring district by district to full Afghan control, and if at all possible, we should set a timetable for transferring districts to Afghan control starting next year, in 2010," the prime minister said in his annual foreign policy speech.
Indeed, NATO has said this week that it expects to transfer control of unnamed districts in Afghanistan to local control by 2010, so it's to be expected that President Obama should also accept that assessment and formulate a plan which accommodates NATO as far as he can find support among the participating nations. There is a question, however, whether the president will go as far as Brown in calling for the politically sensitive 'timetable', or even defining some end which the opposition party in the U.S. could characterize as 'signaling' any type of 'surrender' to the militarized resistance.
As is the case with most new American presidents, Mr. Obama will have a brief opportunity formulate his own unique policy; to set a course in Afghanistan which will motivate support (or not) here at home and abroad. By delaying the decision on the recommendations by his generals to escalate the occupation, the president has already distanced himself from the reflexive kowtowing to the Pentagon that characterized the last war-loving administration.
Now, in that new light, President Obama will be challenged to decide where the military forces that were employed by the constant politics of the last WH fit in with all of the Democratic ideals he's expressed so far. I'm, of course, hoping for a clean sweep. I expect, for now, that we'll see more of a dusting of priorities, albeit with an eye to some kind of eventual end. That may not be enough for my antipathy to the occupation, but it's certainly a start in the right direction.
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