Thursday, November 01, 2007
JB
This New York Times
article suggests that Judge Mukasey cannot announce that waterboarding is illegal at his confirmation hearings for Attorney General because of concern that this would lead to criminal prosecutions and civil suits against CIA operatives who performed interrogations.
Do not believe it.
The Congress twice bestowed immunity in the Detainee Treatment Act and the Military Commissions Act.
And if CIA operatives acted in good faith on OLC opinions, which are binding law in the executive branch, they are immune from prosecution. Even if these immunities do not extend to civil lawsuits, such lawsuits are likely barred by a combination of immunities created for government (and military) personnel. The Administration has been quite careful to ensure that its members-- and those obeying its orders-- will never be held to account in any American court of law.
To be sure, if Bush Administration officials travel abroad, they may be indicted and tried for war crimes. But if so, that is already true, and Judge Mukasey's statement would not trigger liability: it would merely be additional evidence-- if any were needed-- that waterboarding is a war crime.
The real reason why Judge Mukasey cannot say that waterboarding is illegal is that Administration officials have repeatedly insisted that they do not torture, and that they have acted both legally and honorably. If Judge Mukasey said that waterboarding is illegal, it would require the Bush Administration to admit that it repeatedly lied to the American people and brought shame and dishonor on the United States of America. If Judge Mukasey were to say waterboarding is illegal and not just "a dunk in the water" in Vice President Cheney's terminology, he would have announced that, as incoming Attorney General, he is entering an Administration of liars and torturers.
<...>
Which places any Attorney General nominee in a difficult bind: The Bush Admininstration will not nominate anyone to be Attorney General who will state publicly that what the Administration did was illegal or dishonorable. That means that the only persons who can be nominated are those who are willing to be complicit in its illegality and dishonor. For if the nominee admitted that the Administration had repeatedly misled the American people about the legality of its actions, he would not be welcome in the Bush Administration.
"
more(emphasis added)
And if CIA operatives acted in good faith..."
Thing is, I'm not sure waterboarding was part of the deal.
Saturday, September 23, 2006
Marty Lederman
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The lead-in sentence to this quotation, however, also characterizes me as saying that "the bill
continued to allow the harsh treatment of detainees by the Central Intelligence Agency." This isn't a direct quote, and I certainly did not mean to convey any such thing. As longtime readers here know, my unequivocal view has been and continues to be that the CIA techniques such as Cold Cell, Long Time Standing, threats, stress positions, and waterboarding, are currently unlawful, because, among other things, they are "cruel treatment" and (sometimes) "torture" that Common Article 3 prohibits. Because the bill does not purport to supersede or override our obligations under Common Article 3 -- indeed, by everyone's lights, that indisputably was the principal concession that the White House made to the Senators –
those techniques would remain unlawful, even if the bill should be enacted. (I'm probably guilty of imprecision, and hyperbole, that might have led some readers to think otherwise, such as in my provocative
the other night: "U.S. to be First Nation to Authorize Violations of Geneva." If so, my apologies. I think it is clear that the U.S. will be the first nation to formally "authorize" Geneva violations, when the Bush Administration construes this bill (if enacted) to permit the CIA techniques. But it would remain the case that the Geneva Conventions do, in fact, prohibit such techniques, which means they should continue to be unlawful.)
The serious problem with the bill, , is that it would define "cruel treatment" for purposes of the War Crimes Act in a confusing and inadequate manner that could readily be construed not to cover some or many of the CIA techniques. More to the point, numerous Bush officials' statements over the past 48 hours indicate that the Administration has already construed the definition in exactly that way, and that, in its view, this means not only that the CIA techniques would not be "war crimes," but also that they would not be "cruel treatment" under Common Article 3 by virtue of that statutory definition.
This conclusion demonstrates the terrible mischief of this "compromise," but it's substantively wrong. I don't know whether and to what extent McCain, et al., intended the definition of "cruel treatment" in the proposed War Crimes Act amendment to cover the CIA techniques. If McCain and other Senators do think such techniques are covered by that language, it would behoove them to say so publicly, and to explain how the proposed WCA should be construed to cover such techniques, so as to counter the Administration's manifest contrary reading. Here's :
If Senators McCain, et al., are truly serious about bringing a halt to interrogation techniques that would place us in violation of the Geneva Conventions, then at the very least they must do this one thing: Amend the definition of "serious physical pain or suffering" to make certain that it does, in fact, encompass the physical suffering that is attendant to the cruel treatment prohibited by Common Article 3, including that caused by the CIA's "alternative" techniques.
If the Senators do not do so, it seems clear from what we've already seen that the Bush Administration lawyers will instruct the CIA that such techniques are not "cruel treatment" (even though under anyone's ordinary understanding of that term, they would be).
moreThe Bush admin does not torture:
PRESIDENT BUSH: Our country is at war, and our government has the obligation to protect the American people. The executive branch has the obligation to protect the American people; the legislative branch has the obligation to protect the American people. And we are aggressively doing that. We are finding terrorists and bringing them to justice. We are gathering information about where the terrorists may be hiding. We are trying to disrupt their plots and plans. Anything we do to that effort, to that end, in this effort, any activity we conduct, is within the law.
We do not torture. Perino: We Don't Torture Because We Say We Don't Torture‘We Do Not Torture’CIA Operatives Sign Up for Torture Insurance