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Edited on Sat Apr-02-05 08:29 PM by Mel Brennan
Looking to define "clutch?"
Well, one way is to look at the events of the night of 14 June 1998. In a game many talking heads will forever argue should have been his last, and with his beloved Bulls trailing by one in the closing seconds, Michael Jordan stole the ball from Utah's Karl Malone, drove on Malone's team-mate Byron Russell, stopped on a dime...
And did what he always does, pressure or no: he took the shot. He hit the shot. A game-winning shot. A championship-winning shot.
Clutch: doing, when it's HARD, that which you do when it's EASY.
Be it Jordan, or Emmitt Smith, or Serena Williams or Reggie Jackson or (gulp...this is hard...) the 2004 Boston Red Sox, we embrace fully the concept of "coming through in the clutch," of being everything you've claimed to be when it's hardest to do, in our conception of American sport. In fact, we measure and judge sport leadership and participants by that "clutch" standard.
In what way does the U.S. citizen, the U.S. government exemplify such "clutchness" OFF the court, in the daily drumbeat of life and living, in our current opportunities for global leadership?
One look at "The Torture Papers: The Road to Abu Ghraib," by Karen J. Greenberg, Joshua L. Dratel and Anthony Lewis begins to let us know.
Michael Ratner, of the Center for Constitutional Rights, says the work "...may well be the most important and damning set of documents exposing U.S. government lawlessness ever published," and I may agree. I CERTAINLY agree with Brig. Gen. James Cullen when he submits that "The memos and other material collected in this book reveal how political lawyers in the Administration adopted an 'ends justify the means' policy, and tailored their advice to justify torture and avoidance of obligations under the Geneva Conventions." For citizen-accountable governments like the U.S., the torture papers represents some bastardization or perversion of that process by both abidcation of best practice and endorsement of something else.
Something certainly not "clutch."
We can all observe the employment of Executive "ends justify the means" rationale in the language Bush and Blair use to justify the invasion of Iraq. Both leaders have submitted a number of times along of the lines of 'Well, reasonable people may disagree as to how we got into Iraq, but no one can say that the world isn't a better place with Saddam Hussein out of power...'
Ends, justifying the means.
What Bush and Blair leave unsaid, and what MUST be said, is that this mode of being in the world is in fact the PRECISE mode of operating employed by individuals and groups who look to wage terror. Innocent civilians die? "Who gives a damn," or "that's not important," terror-mongers might say: "the means serve a greater end."
We might want to consider the extent to which US/UK foreign policy aligns so perfectly with terrorist thought/action; at any time, but particularly at a time when we are claiming the OPPOSITE perspective in terms of a so-called "clash of civilizations." For global observers, U.S. employment of "ends justifies the means" thought and action makes it HARDER, not easier, to distinguish between so-called "civilizations" and barbarism.
Indeed, the more one looks at this way of being in the world, the more one realizes that "ends justifies the means" thinking can ONLY end in terror, because it is predicated upon a "might makes right" mindset; it is only in extreme historical moments like that of 9/11 and its aftermath (extreme for Americans, one of a spectrum of horrors for much of the rest of the world) that this mode of engaging the world is even allowed consideration by rational human beings and societies.
Extremes; yes, extremes in our OWN citizen-fear allow terror-aligned thinking to manifest as well. We have lost, in horror, the Twin Towers of our New York skyline and the souls who inhabited them at the moments of their fall; yet another set of Towers remain: the Twin Towers of the Future of America.
One Tower is built, layer upon layer, with takes on the Great Conflicting Idea that America can both claim notions such as "the greatest democracy in the world," and "the hope for freedom of millions," AND reflect diametrically opposed truths such as those disclosed in the memos of "Torture Papers." It is a Tower built of words promoting the Dream of America while simultaneously undertaking the oft-horrific Reality of America: acts encompassing America-style globalization found in, for example, John Perkins' "Confessions of an Economic Hitman."
In "Confessions," Perkins describes in detail thirty-five years of American business and government collusion to facilitate the work of, as Perkins puts it, "highly paid professionals who cheat countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars."
This Tower is built upon a tragicomically faltering foundation of hypocrisy, one perfectly described by a comic - George Carlin - as "...the old American double standard of 'say one thing, do something different'..."; an America less interested in promoting ideals and the rule of law than promoting a system of wealth inequality only bested in the developing world by Mexico (and one that, wage/inflation-wise, has forced most citizens to make do with less and less since 1973), while settling for an infant mortality rate double that of Sweden and higher than Slovenia.
That's one Tower; one layered, built-upon conception of ourselves and of America.
That Tower contests right now with another, wholly different one: an America in self-conception and in local-to-global action found in works like Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States : 1492-Present," where, through giving a voice to voices outside the First Tower's conception of American self (and subsequent mainstream media shaping of who and what is historically important), Zinn allows a totally different America, one that's always been there and always been crucial, to come into our awareness.
This Second Tower is built on knowing that the Constitution, the very foundation of America, was one damn unique document for its time, maybe for all time, even if it left out an equitable fulfilment of rights and an affirmation of humanity to anyone who failed to be a landed white, heterosexual male, yet it left many rights, for many people, specifically uncodified and generally unconfirmed .
It's a Tower laden with sensibilities that differentiate between our set of decision-rules (Constituting a democratic republic) and our chosen economic system (capitalism), and, like Michael Albert, see an America beyond such choice. In his work "PARECON: Life After Capitalism," Albert offers up an America promoting ideals and values such as "... equity, solidarity, diversity, and participatory self management" as a way of life for Americans, and not just as campaign-ad rhetoric. To fulfill the promise of those values PARECON describes new institutions that will facilitate, among other things, "...remuneration according to effort and sacrifice, and participatory planning."
It's a Tower that, like Cornel West in his book "Democracy Matters: Winning the Fight Against Imperialism," finds space beyond the dogma of Christianity, Judaism and Islam to embrace progressive, prophetic voices on all sides of the spirituality debate, and demands wholesale rejection of "ends justifies means" fundamentalism, on all sides.
Indeed, these works help us see that the central thrust of this Second Tower is of an America in the becoming, with law and love and sacrifice as the forms of agency through which America gives itself the best chance to become that which we claim it to be, at home and throughout the world.
Engaging the Ideas of this Second Tower of American-ness means acknowledging that the Great Experiment remains to be completed; that its completion is a process of possibility.
A commitment to this Tower of American self-conception means coming to see that the extension of the Constitutional franchise - again, a document not specifically intended to encompass those different in gender, race and class fro the Founders - comes from everyday people getting in the streets and becoming willing to stand fast and sacrifice everything they are for the truth that the Constitution, that America, could and should represent everyone, especially when it's hard to do.
It comes from "stepping up in the clutch," for the nation, and for the world, in hope and expectation that a land which always celebrates and usuallly embraces the rule of law would eventually codify such sacrifice in laws extending rights and affirming humanity, for everyone.
From the Abolitionists, to the labor and child labor movements, to the suffrage movement, to the political rights and civil rights and Indian rights and women's rights movements to the gay/lesbian rights movement: none of these are naturally provided for in either the letter or the interpretation of the Founding Document of the American nation. Rather, the Idea behind such movements was that with the Constitution as a basis, if we stood fast, stood courageous, in the streets for those rights and in the courtroom (and the jail, and in the morgue) for that change in the law, we would have a nation in practice like the one in the American Dream.
Thus, we stood, generationally, in each historical moment, in the clutch. We took the shot. And we made the shot. Maybe not a game-winning shot, but the shot that keeps us in the game.
That's what that Scond Tower is about. And it contends, everyday, with that first Tower, for the soul and substance of America.
The events of 9/11 reach out to this generation, to each American, as we contribute to the building and affirming of one Tower or the other, and each Tower rings back a substantively different response to those, or any, attacks.
One says "yes, ends do justify the means," and keeps us duct-taped, terror-alerted and afraid while telling us that just being afraid is enough to justify anything to make us safe and make us win, whatever "safe" ends up meaning, whatever cost is incurred in the "winning."
That Tower asks us to turn our backs on what we've claimed to be, in the light of a New Era in violence and destruction, and submits that in fact the only way TO survive on this New Earth is to become a New America. To, in the most important of moments, avoid taking the shot altogether. To take our ball and run home, and let our betters take whatever shot deemed necessary for us, while we watch, glued, then return to the court with a different ball and say "the game had changed."
The Second Tower says that it's only in moments when we are afraid, only when the right thing is difficult to do, that we can claim what we are. That our Ideals, like friendship, suffer no test when everything is hunky-dory, but rather when everything is going wrong. It's then, and only then, that we discover that for which we are willing to stand.
In the clutch.
Mel Brennan is the American author (along with Grant Jarvie and Tony Hwang) of "Sport, Revolution and the Beijing Olympics." Mel both teaches sports studies and examines human rights in Olympic cities in the pursuit of a PhD in Sports Studies at the University of Stirling, Scotland, UK.
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