http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/feb/18/northernrock.alistairdarlingThere are two conclusions that we can draw from the economic crisis that began last August and might, in some form or another, last for a prolonged period. First, it heralds a major reduction in the global economic and political influence of the US, rather in the manner that the 1931 crisis announced the final and belated end of Britain's global economic supremacy. Fundamental systemic crises are often associated with the decline of the dominant imperial power and its increasing inability to sustain the system over which it had previously presided. The profound instability of the interwar period owed much to Britain's inability to maintain its role.
The present crisis, at root, is a consequence of the economic decline of the US and its increasing weakness at the apex of an international financial system of which it was the architect and chief beneficiary. This is most clearly expressed in the US's chronic balance of payments deficit and its long-term dependence on East Asian inward capital flows to shore up the value of the dollar. Perhaps the present turmoil will ease, but in truth the old arrangements are now coming apart and, in anything other than the short term, seem patently unsustainable. We are entering a period of protracted instability as the old order breaks down, the US seeks to resist change and the world embarks on a conflictual and painful passage towards a new global economic order.
The second conclusion is that the political consequences of this shift will be enormous. The interwar crisis led to the second world war and the birth of Keynesianism. The less significant Opec crisis of the 1970s destroyed the social-democratic consensus and led to the triumph of neoliberalism. And this time?
One thing seems certain: the neoliberal orthodoxy will be undermined. This could come in many different forms. It could lead to a rise of protectionism in the US and Europe against developing countries such as China, or new regulations designed to prevent sovereign wealth funds from taking over what are deemed key strategic assets.
When the free market and deregulation are the means by which the western world extends its global economic power over the developing world, then they are deemed highly virtuous, but it is a different matter when they become the instrument by which developing countries can extend their influence over western economies. Similarly, during a recession the state is likely to be called into active service on a far more regular basis as western governments seek to deal with the mushrooming effects of market failure. It is not an accident that developing countries - virtually the whole of East Asia, for example - view the role of the state in a far more interventionist way than does the Anglo-Saxon world.
Laissez-faire and free markets are the favoured means of the powerful and privileged. The decline of the western world could well usher in a significant change in this mind-set.