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First of all this 1924 essay from Stalin, which ushers forth the theory of Social-Democracy being a "twin" of fascism.
"Some people think that the bourgeoisie adopted 'pacifism' and 'democracy' not because it was compelled to do so, but voluntarily, of its own free choice, so to speak. And it is assumed that, having defeated the working class in decisive battles (Italy, Germany), the bourgeoisie felt that it was the victor and could now afford to adopt 'democracy.' In other words, while the decisive battles were in progress, the bourgeoisie needed a fighting organisation, it needed fascism but now that the proletariat is defeated, the bourgeoisie no longer needs fascism and can afford to use 'democracy' instead, as a better method of consolidating its victory. Hence, the conclusion is drawn that the rule of the bourgeoisie has become consolidated, that the 'era of pacifism' will be a prolonged one, and that the revolution in Europe has been pigeonholed.
"This assumption is absolutely wrong.
"Firstly, it is not true that fascism is only the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie. Fascism is not only a military-technical category. Fascism is the bourgeoisie's fighting organisation that relies on the active support of Social-Democracy. Social-Democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism. There is no ground for assuming that the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of Social-Democracy. There is just as little ground for thinking that Social-Democracy can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie. These organisations do not negate, but supplement each other. They are not antipodes, they are twins. Fascism is an informal political bloc of these two chief organisations; a bloc, which arose in the circumstances of the post-war crisis of imperialism, and which is intended for combating proletarian revolution. The bourgeoisie cannot retain power without such a bloc. It would therefore be a mistake to think that 'pacifism' signifies the liquidation of fascism. In the present situation, 'pacifism' is the strengthening of fascism with its moderate, Social-Democratic wing pushed into the forefront." (Stalin Collected Works Volume Six, pp. 293-5)
What does this mean? While it is correct that social-democracy and fascism are both tools for the bourgeoisie, the distinction between the two is of extreme importance. Any fool can see past the "leftist" camouflage this argument is couched in, that fascists are the same as the opportunist social-democrats because they both serve the bourgeoisie.
Stalin declared that fascism was not the final response of the bourgeoisie to class warfare, because he claimed social-democracy was simply a "moderate wing of fascism". They were "twins" in his mind.
Moving on to Germany. In 1925 Ernst Thalmann ran against Marx, leader of the Center, and Hindenburg, the favored candidate of the Right parties. Marx was supported by the Socialists and Democrats. Hindenburg won the election with 14,655,766 votes against Marx's 13,751,615; Thalmann polled almost 2,000,000 votes, which, if they had gone to Marx, would have been sufficient to defeat the conservative Hindenburg.
The Comintern ushered forth its own version of Stalin's theory in 1928 regarding the German situation.
"In Germany we have a new experiment of the largest party in the Second International, the German Social-Democratic Party, being in power. As a result of their own experiences the German workers are abandoning their illusions concerning the Social-Democratic Party. The Social-Democratic Party has revealed itself as the party which, on coming into office, has strangled the workers strikes with the noose of compulsory arbitration, has helped the capitalists to declare lockouts and liquidate the gains of the working class (eight-hour day, social insurance, etc.). By the construction of cruisers and by the adoption of its new militaristic programme, breaking with all the remnants of pre-war traditions of socialism, social-democracy is preparing the next war. The leading cadres of social-democracy and of the reformist trade unions, fulfilling the orders of the bourgeoisie, are now, through the mouth of Wels, threatening the German working class with open fascist dictatorship. Social-democracy prohibits May Day demonstrations. It shoots down unarmed workers during May Day demonstrations. It is the social-democracy who suppresses the labour press (Rote Fahne) and mass labour organizations, prepares the suppression of the KPD and organizes the crushing of the working class by fascist methods.
"This is the road of the coalition policy of the social-democracy leading to social-fascism. These are the results of the governing activities of the biggest party of the Second International." (The Communist International 1929-1943 Documents, pp. 45-6; Oxford University Press)
Here it is argued that the Social-Democratic government played a vicious reactionary role and was going the path of bourgeois politics. That much is true. However there was no reason to conclude this was a fascist or fascististic government. Reaction isn't fascism. Fascism is always reactionary, but reaction in general isn't fascism. So here the Comintern declares war on social-democracy, at which "the attacks" were "to be concentrated". It's clear in history that this sort of politics actually helps fascism, and makes its defeat more difficult. Only the Stalinists could come up with something so detrimental to their own apparent goals.
A blacker moment in history came for the German Communist Party in 1931. They supported the opposition in Prussia against the Social-Democratic Party, wherein the opposition was the Nazis. At the time, the Communists had agreed on opposition to the votes of the Nazis, but under the pressure of the Comintern adopted a policy of collaboration with them nonetheless. It was claimed that the Social-Democratic government, the target of the KPD's polemic at the time, was much worse than fascism. This amounts to saying a fascist government is better than a reactionary social-democratic one. There could be no greater ignorance of the essence of fascism.
Thalmann, the candidate chosen by the Communist Party to oppose both Hindenburg and Hitler in the 1932 Presidential election, said the following in that year:
"(To win the proletariat the struggle of the German Communist Party) must be directed first of all against the two extremely important counter-revolutionary mass political parties, the German Social-Democratic Party and the National Socialist Workers Party (Nazis). But, even in this struggle, the main thrust of attack must be directed against the Social-Democratic Party. Moreover, it must be made clear to the masses the if the popular influence of "moderate wing" of fascism, i.e. the Social-Democratic Party, is not first overcome, it will be impossible to fight against Hitler's party and government"
The most dangerous blunder of the KPD was the declaration that fascist government would be preferable to that of the SPD, or Social-Democrat Party. Further, they declared that the fascists would not be dangerous, or that further rule by the SPD would be more so. That a social-democracy, however reactionary, is the same as fascism is nonsense. For example, in the Polish Communist Party the distinction was deemed very important, and they recognized a "fundamental hostility" between social-democracy and fascism, and that one had resisted the other.
Spain provides another example. When the workers filled the streets to celebrate the declaration of the republic in 1931, the Communist Party joined the royalists, reactionaries and fascists to shout for the "overthrow of the republic", thereby decisively isolating themselves from the workers. This stupid action probably seems unfathomable, but it is a fact nonetheless. Actions more or less like this were often carried out by the Communist Parties throughout the world, and should remain a lesson for anyone who studies history.
How does Nader fit in?
"After lambasting Gore as part of a do-nothing Clinton administration, Nader said, 'If it were a choice between a provocateur and an anaesthetiser, I'd rather have a provocateur. It would mobilise us.'"(LA Times)
It's the same old argument, recognizable from Stalin in 1924. He believes Republican government preferable and less dangerous than a Democratic one. He believes somehow that the partes are the same, and denies the fundamental hostility that exists between the two. He also is blind to the real danger of a prolonged Republican domination of government. He won't enable Bush, and Bush is no Hitler, but Ralph's theory is just as ridiculous when it was created eighty years ago.
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