I have been amazed at how "progressives" are like ants running around after their hill has been kicked. Lots of energy and lots of passion, and very little effect. Similarly, someone once described a democratic executive committee meeting as a “circular firing squad.” It was a good description!
But back to the problems you pose, and I think you did an excellent job of portraying a good number of them . . . unfortunately I can think of a few more rather serious issues . . . like the nasty effects of our impending climate change, and the rather obvious fact that actual elections are now a thing of the past.
I think that the key is to narrow the analysis to root issues and address them in a concerted fashion. Find the weak point, as any military commander would say, and attack there. In our instant case there is one glaring weak point and it is this: almost all of our current problems are the direct result of years of political bribery. Let me give a little history to illustrate my point.
In the early part of the last century Henry Ford got into trouble by trying to be a nice guy. He wanted to use corporate profits that he viewed as excessive to raise worker salaries and reduce the price of his company’s automobiles. His stockholders objected, however, and took him to court (Dodge v. Ford, 1919). They wanted that money for themselves. The judge ruled that the whole purpose of business is to maximize shareholder wealth, and if Ford “wanted to pursue a (charitable end) he should do it with his own money, not with other people’s.”
The principle forged into law by Dodge v. Ford continues today to force corporate management to maximize stockholder profits. The law has been modified slightly since 1980 to allow for a slightly more “social” flavor, but the “fiduciary responsibility” of corporate management this principle established remains firmly directed towards maximal profits for the stockholders. CEOs are therefore required to have a clear and “reasonable expectation of profit” when they spend stockholder money.
The requirement that a “reasonable expectation of profit” be present applies to corporate political campaign contributions just like any other expenditure. In 2002 contributions to politicians exceeded $1.2 billion dollars. Some examples will illustrate the practical effect of this money.
In 2002 over $95 million was contributed by the health care industry to our politicians. Where was the “reasonable expectation of profit” that the health care industry was investing in to come from? Politicians have nothing but their legislation to offer in return for this money, and common sense tells us that promoting legislation that would reduce profits — wasn’t really the idea. Indeed, any politician receiving a portion of the health care industry’s $95 million giveaway could be expected to irritate his “benefactors” mightily if his legislation were to, say, actually reduce health care costs — and thus industry profits. Common sense also tells us that any such congressman would be immediately “cut off” from his health care corporate largess, and would last about as long in his job as any faint hint of real morality currently does in congress.
Other examples of the influence of corporate “political contributions” on legislation abound. The cumulative cost of this practice to the public is immense, but we pay the price of this practice with far more than mere money.
The FDA has tried repeatedly to ban the use of antibiotics to fatten meat animals, but has been overruled by congress each time. It is well established that antibiotics used in animal feed have two primary effects: they cause meat animals to fatten more with less food, and they breed antibiotic resistant bacteria. The pharmaceutical industry sells 70% of its antibiotics for meat production, and gives a pile of money to congress each year to protect that market. Protect it primarily from the FDA, which has been trying to protect us from exactly this sort of practice. People die because of antibiotic resistant bacteria. And the patents on the antibiotics used to fatten meat animals run out at about the same time feeding these antibiotics to animals renders them useless — thus making newer, more costly, and more esoteric antibiotics necessary. And also necessitating new patents and much higher profits for the pharmaceutical industry.
I think that the corporate practice of making large contributions to politicians has a more accurate name than “campaign contribution.” I think it is more accurate to call this practice bribery — bribery to prevent legislation that interferes with corporate profits, bribery to create legal monopolies that allow the “donating” corporation to charge unfair prices, bribery to purchase exclusive tax breaks, and bribery to extract direct largess from the public treasury.
Our large corporate political contributors most definitely influence our politicians with their money; our politicians cannot possibly be elected without this massive largess under our current system.
The fact that corporate campaign money is bribery as it is commonly defined is the weak link in the control mechanism that corporations use to ensure cooperative and “business friendly” politicians.I have been working to stop political bribery by using citizen’s initiative procedures to amend our Florida constitution and make it illegal. I think that if we can break this control link then other problems will become, if not directly solved, much more tractable. Unfortunately, I can’t seem to get much help with this project. If you have any ideas along these lines PLEASE let me know. My web page is at:
http://BreakTheLink.org.