|
When all's said and done, there's still some racism. But the effects are muted.
Take the article cited. - The hospitals treated black and white patients equally aggressively. Score one for color-blind. - But blacks came in sicker. Score one for racism--or economics? (So they need to control for SES.) - Did they try to resuscitate more blacks than whites? Unknown. - But black tended to go to poorer hospitals,those with less highly ranked doctors, more poorly equipped. Score one for racism or, again, economics. Was the MLK Medical Center in Los Angeles sucky because of the staff, the funding, or the population that used it? (All three, plus other factors.) - Was everything included in the study? After all, after accounting for all the different known variables, there was still a difference in survival rate. Whether that's due to racism or something else is entirely dependent on one's beliefs, at least until there's data.
It works the same with education and a lot of other topics. Control for SES and other pertinent variables and most of the effect vanishes. That's "structural racism"--of course, sometimes the "structural racism" actually does have effects, and affects whites almost as much as Latinos, and Latinos almost as much as blacks. Seldom does old-fashioned varieties of racism entirely vanish, however. True, you're left with more questions than you started out with, but at least the answers to the questions actually provide some way forward.
Then for a number of studies blacks and whites werew found to be treated differently by doctors--but there was not a great deal of difference in how black and white doctors treated their patients. Sometimes doctors are trained better, sometimes worse, but any one doctor usually treated his/her patients the same. Sometimes they make parallel assumptions about how likely it is that the patients will use the medicine, fill the prescription, or even be able to afford the prescription. Perhaps both black and white doctors are equally racist. That can happen; then again, "racist" gets to be a difficult adjective to apply in such cases.
Take a USC study that discovered that whites experience heightened stress and fear when seeing pictures of black teenage faces but not white teenage faces. Racism, the researchers assumed; but they had to control for race, right? When they ran the study with adult black subjects, they got just about the same results: blacks were about as afraid of black teenagers, on average, as were whites--and had the same relative lack of fear towards white teenagers. It makes the discussion difficult, because it doesn't fit the usual definition of 'racism': the blacks, one had to assume, based their fear on experience, while the white's based nearly identical levels of fear on racism? It means that it's a kind of generalization that involves race--a generalization that may be true or false, but isn't dependent on thoughts of racial superiority. (Any more than my confusion when I was so busy chairing a meeting that I didn't always have time to notice who was speaking--there was somebody speaking fluent African-American English Vernacular, but there were no blacks in the room. Afterwards I ran into the blond, blue-eyed white guy who grew up in South Central LA and was the only white boy in his class. Was it racist to assume that when I heard AAEV, it was coming out of an AA mouth? Or was I just concluding that since I'd known scores of AAEV speakers, all black, and no white that I'd previously met was an AAEV speaker, that the mystery AAEV speaker was black?)
It's a vexed question. The thing is, to challenge orthodoxy triggers immediate charges of racism. After all, if it's not racism, what is it? Then you need data. And when the answers aren't known, they might not be convenient and--gasp--even challenge our thinking, and that can challenge our notions of self-identity. After all, the reason that civil rights was such a vexed issue back in the '50s and '60s (either 1800s or 1900s) was precisely because it challenged dominant white notions and self-identity.
|