For the last year, I've been convinced that inflation is back and getting worse. I can feel it in my everyday life. My favorite pizza guy raised his price for a slice by 20% last month. My kids' tuitions climbed 8% this year. Heating oil and electricity are more expensive. Breakfast cereal. Books. You name it, it costs more.
Yet for the last year, Alan Greenspan and the other members of the Federal Reserve's interest-setting body, the Federal Open Market Committee, have been telling me not just that there isn't any inflation, but that there really isn't any danger of inflation.
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You see, the kind of inflation that the Fed cares about -- and tries to fight -- is the short-term, cyclical kind. Prices jumped by 13% in 1979, for example, after a 9% increase in 1978, as members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) ratcheted up the price of oil. So the Fed, under then-chairman Paul Volcker, drove U.S. interest rates up to 14.7% on three-month Treasury bills in 1981, throwing the country into a recession that did indeed put an end to double-digit inflation. By 1982, inflation was down to 3.87%.
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Price Waves Boiled Down
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Hard to spot: In the early stages of a price wave, no one recognizes that a period of price equilibrium has ended and that a long wave of rising prices has begun. Partly, that's because the long-term upward trend in prices is obscured by short-term movements in prices such as those that the Fed manages. For example, Fischer finds that a great price wave began about 1729, with rising wheat prices in Paris, and by the early 1740s it had spread to most of Europe. At the time, people thought this was simply cyclical fluctuation in prices. But prices would rise by nearly 2% on average for the next 100 years. It wasn't until the 1760s that writers began to comment on rising prices and scarcity.
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Food and fuel: All of the price waves back to the first one that Fischer examines -- the medieval wave of inflation that started in 1180 -- began with increases in the price of food and fuel. Prices of manufactured goods actually fall during the initial phases of each price wave. The explanation seems straightforward: Through history, it has been relatively difficult to increase supplies of food and fuel to meet rising demand. Expanding food production often meant farming new, less productive land. Fuel for much of human history has meant wood, and it's hard to get trees to grow faster.
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Production costs: Cost-push forces add to inflation, especially in food production, as higher prices encourage farmers to bring marginal, less-productive land into use. That produces more food, true, but at a higher cost, which leads to higher prices as the costs are pushed along to consumers.
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Money supply: An increase in the money supply kicks in to drive inflation higher after the initial demand-based inflation has set prices in motion. Governments typically attempt to combat rising prices by increasing the amount of money in circulation. That, of course, just adds speed to price increases. This is true even in the 20th and 21st centuries, where central banks may try to fight cyclical inflation by raising interest rates or slowing growth in the money supply, but where the economy as a whole keeps creating new money in the form of looser credit requirements or no-down-payment mortgages.
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The advantage of wealth: In the first half of a price wave, the wealthy are able to stay ahead of inflation by demanding tax cuts as they did in the run-up to the French Revolution, increasing rents on their property, demanding subsidies from government and using the power of the government and the courts to force increasingly impoverished wage-earners to pay their debts.
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Rising pessimism: The rising prices of a long price wave have a psychological effect on a society. As inequalities rise, optimism gives way to pessimism. Since price waves are accompanied by increases in violence, family breakups, alcoholism and poverty, there's a growing sense in a society that something is wrong. Could the sense that something has gone wrong in this country that shows up in current opinion polls -- shared by conservatives and liberals, by the devout and the secular -- even if we don't agree on what it is or how to fix it, be an instance of this shift in social psychology?
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Finally, crisis: As prices rise, the economy and the society become increasingly stressed until a bit of bad luck that would have been shrugged off earlier leads to a crisis. So, for example, by 1789 a wage-earner in France was spending 88% of his income to feed his family. In the period from 1726 to 1791, it took only 50% of income. So when the harvests failed in 1788 and 1799 and prices soared, as they had done in earlier years of bad harvests, it was enough to tip the country into chaos. Make up your own list of tipping points for today's economy.
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