In federal fraud trial, jury finds former Rep. Steve Stockman guilty on 23 counts
Only "not guilty" from the Houston jury was for a count of wire fraud

Intelligent and informed people of good will can strenuously disagree about the wisdom of policies that have produced mass incarceration. What is, however, indisputable is that this phenomenon creates an enormous problem of facilitating the reentry into society of released prisoners who were not improved by the experience of incarceration and who face discouraging impediments to employment and other facets of social normality. In 14 states and the District , released felons automatically recover their civil rights.

Recidivism among Florida’s released felons has been approximately 30 percent for the five years 2011-2015. Of the 1,952 people whose civil rights were restored, five committed new offenses, an average recidivism rate of 0.4 percent. This sample is skewed by self-selection — overrepresentation of those who had the financial resources and tenacity to navigate the complex restoration process that each year serves a few hundred of the 1.6 million. Still, the recidivism numbers are suggestive.


What compelling government interest is served by felon disenfranchisement? Enhanced public safety? How? Is it to fine-tune the quality of the electorate? This is not a legitimate government objective for elected officials to pursue. A felony conviction is an indelible stain: What intelligent purpose is served by reminding felons — who really do not require reminding — of their past, and by advertising it to their community? The rule of law requires punishments, but it is not served by punishments that never end and that perpetuate a social stigma and a sense of never fully reentering the community.

Meade, like one-third of the 4.7 million current citizens nationwide who have reentered society from prison but cannot vote, is an African American. More than 1 in 13 African Americans nationally are similarly disenfranchised, as are 1 in 5 of Florida’s African American adults. Because African Americans overwhelmingly vote Democratic, ending the disenfranchisement of felons could become yet another debate swamped by partisanship, particularly in Florida, the largest swing state, where close elections are common: Republican Gov. Rick Scott’s margins of victory in 2010 and 2014 were 1.2 and 1.1 percent, respectively. And remember the 537 Florida votes that made George W. Bush president.

Last week, Scott’s administration challenged a federal judge’s order that the state adopt a rights-restoration procedure that is less arbitrary and dilatory. A Quinnipiac poll shows that 67 percent of Floridians favor and only 27 percent oppose enfranchisement of felons. These numbers might provoke Republicans, who control both houses of the legislature, to try to siphon away support for the restoration referendum by passing a law that somewhat mitigates the severity of the current policy. Such a law would be presented for the signature of the governor, who is trying to unseat three-term Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson.

The saga surrounding the Nevada GOP’s efforts to undo their 2016 election losses by recalling Democratic state senators has taken another—potentially final—turn. The Silver State GOP’s attempts to recall Democratic Sens. Joyce Woodhouse and Nicole Cannizzaro are effectively dead.

News broke on Monday that the petitions circulated by Republicans to recall these Democratic lawmakers had insufficient valid signatures to trigger special elections to unseat and replace them. Notwithstanding a potential appeal of a related court ruling, the GOP’s long-running campaign to recall these women senators is over.

This news comes as little surprise after a court decision last month upheld the constitutionality of a state law allowing voters who signed recall petitions to change their minds and remove their names after the petitions are submitted to the state. Democrats had been running aggressive campaigns to urge petition signers, many of whom claim they were misinformed of the real purpose of the petitions, to ask to have their names removed.

Since the petition to recall Cannizzaro exceeded the required number of signatures by a margin of just 43, the ruling rendered that recall effort effectively dead. Similarly, the petition to recall Woodhouse exceeded the number of signatures required by about 200, so the signature removal requests—reportedly in the thousands—seemed certain to doom that effort, too. The news of Republicans’ failure to recall these Democrats is a satisfying ending to the state GOP’s desperate effort to undermine election results that might have rendered them the minority part in the state Senate until at least 2020.